Narratives and
Transformative Dialogue of Feminist Peacebuilding: A Strategy of Persuasion
And Teaching
Hal S. Bertilson and
Suzanne C. Griffith
University of
Wisconsin-Superior
Paper presented at the Twenty-Second Annual Meeting of the
Wisconsin Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies, Edgewood College, Madison,
November 4, 2006
My coauthor, Suzanne
Griffith, could not be here with us today. Her responsibilities with the graduate Counseling and
Psychological Services Department at UW-Superior precluded her from being with
us. She and I have presented a
series of papers and articles on the effects of poverty on women. Those papers have served as one of the
theoretical threads leading to this paper. She and I have also stood with Women in Black at our weekly
peace vigils in Duluth, have worked with Loaves and Fishes with their protests
against the use of our local Air National Guard in its war mission, and other
peace actions.
I have been thinking a lot
recently about our culture. When
we had a series of shootings in schools in early October, two local TV stations
interviewed me about the causes of school violence. Shortly, thereafter, I gave a universitywide address on the
psychology of terrorism. And since
last July I have been working with our student Amnesty International group, and
our Duluth-Superior Amnesty International Group #642 (Northland Chapter of
Amnesty International) in actions to oppose the death penalty. All the while, what is nagging at me is
our culture of punitiveness and violence.
I have been reading and discussing such books as Michael
Lerner's (2006) The Left Hand of God, a book titled Collateral
Damage: The Psychological Consequences of America's War on Terrorism
published this year by my colleagues in APA's Division of Peace Psychology
(Kimmel & Stout, 2006), articles in the Journal of Social Issues,
and a host of other resources that leads me to feel that the most effective
action might be what we can do to change our culture. While psychology as a discipline has moved toward a greater
appreciation of culture in human thought and behavior, it was Rabbi Lerner that
made the case most effectively for me.
My daughter, who is the Unitarian Minister in Lansing Michigan
(uulansing.org), attended Rabbi Lerner's meeting of the Network of Spiritual
Progressives (spiritual progressives.org) last summer in Washington, D.C. and I
will be attending the Midwest meeting of the Network of Spiritual Progressives
in Minneapolis in two weeks. Lerner
argues that for much of the past thirty years Democrats have been more
interested in showing how similar they are to the Right than how
different. The Democratic Party
and much of the liberal and progressives of the world have contented themselves
with mild reforms, with tinkering with narrow policy goals. The importance of changing our culture
was reinforced for me again by the many points and examples in Anna Baltzer's (November 3, 2006; 2006)
keynote address last night. Mild
reform will be inadequate to the task of creating a free and critical press, as
evidence by her example in Newsweek of selective and biased news
reporting.
What is desperately needed
instead is a transformation of society and that transformative vision emerges
from a spiritual foundation. The
thesis that Suzanne and I offer today is that we must work to change the master
narratives of our culture. One of
the most effective ways is to tell stories of peace, community, caring, and
resistance through stories.
Peace has long been an
interest of psychologists. William
James, a founder of psychology in the United States during the 1890s, is
regarded as the first peace psychologist (Deutsch, 1995). Just prior to World War I, he cautioned
against the militaristic urges of nationalism. Today, peace is addressed by a wide range of psychological
organizations including The Psychological Study of Social Issues (Division 9 of
APA), Peace Psychology (Division 48), and Psychologists for Social
Responsibility who advise APA, disseminate policy papers, research peace
issues, and encourage teaching peacemaking and peacebuilding.
Peace psychology seeks to
develop theories and practices aimed at the prevention and mitigation of direct
and structural violence. Direct
violence refers to violence directed specifically against persons such as in
murder, genocide, terrorism, and war.
Structural violence is a type of violence built into the fabric of
political and economic structures of society, such as scarcities in food,
inadequate health care, contaminated water and related consequences of
oppression, dominance, and exploitation (Christie, Wagner, & Winter, 2001).
Peace psychology has a
further goal aimed at peacemaking and peacebuilding. Peacemaking refers to conflict resolution. Peacebuilding refers to the pursuit of
social justice. Peacebuilding
addresses systems that oppress people, exploits people, and dominates
them. The goals of peacebuilding
are reached through the transformation of cultural narratives or beliefs that
justify such systems (Christie, et. al).
The purpose of our paper is to discuss how to promote peace by using our
knowledge of feminist peacebuilding and in so doing to transform these cultural
narratives. The
"People-to-people Solidarity" session (Bradshaw, Olson, et. al, 2006)
this morning at 11:00 AM was a good example of transformation from peacekeeping
to peacebuilding.
In Duluth, Minnesota in1992 there were
twelve murders related to domestic violence. At that time Frank Jewell was serving as Violence Prevention
Coordinator for St. Louis County, the county that serves Duluth and outlying
regions. As a consequence of these
murders Frank was attending a lot of meetings and found that he was often the
only male in those meetings. Occasionally, a male with official duty was in
attendance, but no "ordinary citizen" males were in attendance. This
experience was consistent, time and again. It was women doing the prevention and mitigation of
violence (Personal Communication,
March 16, 2006).
In fact many of the values
of feminism are precisely the values that motivates peacemaking and
peacebuilding. Feminists emphasize
the importance of diversities such as those based on race, ethnicity, religion,
social class, sexual orientation, age, and physical ability. Feminists are interested in how gender
is constructed by different societies and at different times in history. By "social construction" is
meant how the different cultural and situational contexts constrain the
opportunities and roles women may have.
Power is of central interest to feminists because the psychology of
women cannot be understood without considering women's relative position in the
power hierarchy. The global status of women is of importance. No longer is it possible to consider
issues such as violence against women in the limited context of our own
country. The global economy and
political interests of nations affect the ways women and familes are
treated. Feminism is open about
its values. It understands that
every phase of the research process and social justice work is influenced by
values. Feminism values collective
action of feminists to create social change. (Chrisler, Golden, & Rozee,
2004).
When using the term
feminist, of course, we mean our political, academic, and spiritual
values. We do not mean sex or
gender. Feminist women and men who
approach peacemaking or peacebuilding differ from women and men who are not
feminists in their approaches to peace.
Women have long been integrally involved in peacemaking and
peacebuilding. One of the best
sources of the history of the U.S. movement for world peace and women's rights
is Harriet Hyman Alonso's Peace as a Women's issue published in
1993. From other sources, Abigail Stewart (1999), for example, we
learn how white women were involved in the civil rights movement—women
engaged in a political struggle to end racial oppression—a structure that
did not oppress white women, but actually benefited them. She continues with the story of one
woman, Noma Genne' who in the early 1940s became the only white person on the
NAACP staff. She was appointed to
the position of educational field secretary and was given the responsibility to
devising an educational program for the schools. She discovered an intercultural education program in the
Springfield, Massachusetts schools and, along with Roy Wilkins, set off to
encourage cities, school systems, and individual teachers in the north to adopt
this program.
In another story, the story of Mai reveals the life of a
woman who transformed herself into an activist. She came to this country from Laos at the age of 7 and
persisted in education over the objections of her family and community. She met professors who were activists
and learned to speak up in class.
As the result of her college experience she established the first Hmong
organization on that campus and developed a tutoring program to raise the
educational achievement of Hmong adolescents. Over the objections of her family she attended an
international conference on asylum seekers in Washington, D.C. and attended a
language institute where she could improve her spoken fluency in Hmong. As a consequence she became an activist
for the Hmong community. The
master narrative and homogenizing myth of the "model
minority"—quiet, hardworking, and passive—was countered in
this narrative by her growth into a social activist (Xiong & Tatum, 1999).
Women work at the grassroots level to provide psychosocial
processes such as healing, reconciliation, and cooperation. Such grassroots work contributes to a
comprehensive process of peacebuilding not accomplished by the traditionally
used hierarchical power relationships.
The work of peacebuilding requires that local people seek solution in
their communities and nations rather than imposing their approaches from
outside, a local approach that comes easily to women. Women, especially feminist women, emphasize the centrality
of basic human needs such as food, shelter and safety, far more than
governmental organizations, NGOs, and the United Nations usually do.
Some of the many examples of feminist peacebuilding offered
by McKay & Mazurana (2001) in their chapter on gendering peacebuilding in a
text I use in teaching Peace Psychology include Hanan Ashwari of Palestine who
has been a leading spokeswoman for brokering peace in the Middle East and
Monica McWilliams who founded the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition. Other examples include Women in Black
in Belgrade who demanded accountability to end violence, protesting when no
other groups dared. The Sudanese
Women's Voice for Peace was made up of women from the warring factions in North
and South seeking solutions to end violence. The Mali, East Africa Women's Movement for Securing Peace
and National Unity organized meetings of military officers, high level
politicians, and diplomats which eventually led to the National Pact to stop
the war. Search for a Common
Ground, a women's peace organization in Burundi, Africa, organized weekly
visits of Hutu and Tutsi women to reduce ethnic conflict, encourage
reconciliation, and prepare conflict resolution trainers. Women's peace groups in Algeria, Chile,
and the Philippines have asked for the voluntary dumping of war toys. Women in the Russian Federation and
Chechenya have organized a Committee of Soldiers' Mothers to hide and resist
conscription into the military of their sons. The Burmese Women's Union was formed in 1995 to promote
women's voices in politics, increase the recognition and practice of women's
human rights. The Centre for
Strategic Initiative for Women has extended its human rights emphasis to
include women's leadership roles in peacebuilding. Jerusalem Link is an NGO consisting of Israeli and
Palestinian women who work for peace at the grassroots level. And there is the International Women's
Peace Service, the International Solidarity Movement and so many more. What if we could encourage all of our
friends and neighbors to become active in one of these organizations?
Ms. Magazine's Summer 2006 issue highlighted the
Nobel Women's Initiative. Five
Nobel Prize winners formed the initiative in April 2006 and called for a
meeting of American and Iranian NGO leaders—all women—in
Vienna. The meeting was held in
June and set forth a plan for international pressure to help convince U.S. and
Iranian governments that negotiation and compromise are better alternatives
than war. The five
members of the Nobel Women's Initiative are Jody Wiliams from the U.S. who
organized the international treaty to ban land mines, Shirin Ebadi an Iranian
lawyer and advocate for women's and children's rights, Betty Williams cofounder
of the Northern Ireland peace movements, Wangari Maathai the Kenyan activist
for environment, peace and democracy, and Rigoberta Menchu' Tum an advocate for
indigenous people's rights in Guatemala.
Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest in Burma and
Mariread Corrigan of Nothern Ireland is not active with the other laureates
(Burstyn, Summer 2006).
The most compelling example I can think of for the point
Suzanne and I are making is the address we heard last night by Anna
Baltzer. The brief review of some
feminist peacemaking and peacebuilding actions I have just shared with you give
voice to breadth and diversity of actions. Anna Baltzer's presentation gives voice to the
persuasiveness and compellingness of one such story. I have her book and DVD so that I may share it my students
in the courses I teach—especially two—Peace Psychology and
Interpersonal, Community, and global Violence.
Anna Baltzer's five months in the West Bank had two
purposes: (a) Document abuses in the region and (b) Support nonviolent
resistance to the occupation. In
such a vivid and compelling story, she clearly accomplished her goal. What's more we now can share her story
with others—our students, our friends, our clubs, our churches, synagogues,
mosques, and temples.
Women's peacebuilding is culturally and contextually based
and usually located at community and regional levels where violent
transgressions occur. Women's
peacebuilding conceives peace as process, addresses basic needs such as food
and shelter, identifies the importance of communication skills across multiple
ethnic and language communities, and emphasizes preventing violence toward
women. Such emphases in all of
these areas is desperately needed and yet lacking in traditional approaches (de
la Rey & McKay, 2006).
Furthermore, examples of feminist peacebuilding are not well known
(McKay & Mazurana, 2001).
We argue that, through a process of hearing stories about
feminist peacebulding along with questions that challenge traditional
assumptions, a transformation of thinking about peacebuilding can occur. As Romero and Stewart note, we compare
our lives to stories that we know.
The stories we know are often "master narratives' from the dominant
culture. In the present case, the
master narratives are to solve violence by more violence or, if peacebuilding,
through negotiation at the highest levels of government.
The peacebuilding stories we present are
counternarratives.
Counternarratives are a direct challenge to master narratives and reveal
new ways of understanding conflict, racism, homelessness, heterosexism,
classism, and sexism and are thus the crucial work of social
transformation. Each of the
sessions I attended this morning at the twenty-second meeting of The Wisconsin
Institute for Peace and conflict Studies—Erica Bouris (November 4, 2006)
"Prospects for Peace in the Middle East: Supporting Alternative
Voices," Jay Hatheway (November 4, 2006 "US foreign policy in the
Middle East and beyond: An ideological nightmare," and Geoff Bradshaw,
Barb Olson et al. (November 4, 2006) "People-to-people solidarity:
Building a more peaceful world."
Sharon Welch (2000), professor of religious studies and
feminism at the University of Missouri, argues that such critical engagement
will be fostered through transformative dialogue. We have used the stories of the lives of women living in
poverty as transformative dialogue to heighten the awareness and understanding
among our students of the effects of poverty and how varied and individualized
are the causes and situations (Bertilson & Griffith, 2002). Through these stories we elicit
identification of the "concrete other" in a moral dialogue. Our data
shows that our students have a heightened awareness and understanding of the complexity
of poverty as a result of this work.
There is a history of systematic scholarship in psychology
that shows the effects of stories on values and behaviors. In The Achieving Society, for
example, David McClelland shows the relationship between concern for
achievement in imaginative literature--folk stories and children's stories--
and subsequent economic development (McClelland, 1961). Narrative Psychology, a field of using
stories of critical incidents, to illuminate our understanding of psychological
process is on the resurgence. As
Dan McAdams (2006) points out, beginning in late adolescence, we begin to
reconstruct the past and imagine the future.
Such effects are hardly surprising. "The communications researcher
George Gerbner once observed that human beings are unique because they are the
only animals that tell stories—and live by the stories they tell"
(Wade & Tavris, 2006, p. 377).
The narratives we compose to make sense of our lives have a profound
influence on our plans, memories, love affairs, hatreds, ambitions, dreams,
and, we argue, who we rely on to make peace or war. Stories have additional advantages in that they cause us to
pay attention and gives meaning to the events, two well established factors in
strengthening memory and retrieval of memory (Wade & Tavris).
Similarly, the stories of feminist peacebuilders can
increase the awareness of their efforts and the benefits of the feminist
approach. The telling of stories
captures the complexities of human emotions and thoughts and provide the
authenticity of experience (Takaki, 1993). Such stories are recognized by scholars as a means to
mobilize action (e.g., Romero & Stewart, 1999). A public that becomes aware of nonviolent peacebuilding may
be fundamentally challenged to try means other than violence and threat of
violence to create peace (Welch, 2000).
Feminist peacebuilding is such an alternative means.
In this paper we pose questions intended to provoke people
to understand peacebulding in new ways that uncover the benefits of feminist
peacebuilding methods. Questions
we pose about grassroots feminist peacebuilding will begin this transformative
dialogue.
1. What from last
night's keynote address did you find most compelling?
a. The map of the
Israeli only highways winding through the occupied territory
b. The checkpoints
c. The wall
d. The women her
lost her twin premature babies
e. The $20,000
payments for settlers to "colonize"
f. The $3
billion to $10 billion from U.S. taxpayers to support the colonizing of Israel
g. Hegemonic control
of the press illustrated by the Newsweek case
2. What are your
present "peacemaking" narratives? Would you share them with us?
3. What model do
your "peacemaking" narratives follow?
4. How can we build
more feminist peacebuilding narratives?
5. Can we do this
before we have transformed our own stories?
6. What are the core
differences between these narratives?
7. With masculine
hegemonic narratives so deeply ingrained in the national psyche, is it even
possible to raise alternative feminist peacebuilding narratives here?
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